Critics are divided as Javier Milei takes gradual, constrained steps toward the radical free market he campaigned on.
In December 2023, as the sound of a chainsaw echoed through Buenos Aires, Javier Milei swept into the Casa Rosada, and pro-market Austrian School economists cheered his victory. Nearly three years later, many libertarians are disappointed. They keep asking themselves: Did they vote for Rothbard, only to get another central planner?
He campaigned on a platform that was not merely reformist but explicitly abolitionist. He promised to end the Central Bank, dollarize the economy, and rein in the interventionist state. The Central Bank of Argentina (BCRA) still opens its doors every morning. The government did not lift restrictions on moving foreign currencies until April 2025. To an orthodox libertarian, all of this might still look like central planning.
That criticism has divided free-market thinkers, including Austrian economists. Hans-Hermann Hoppe, for example, has criticized Milei for not acting radically enough. Milei responded sharply in an interview and accused Hoppe of lacking sufficient knowledge of monetary economics. Milei argued that the demands for immediate change ignore important risks, such as hyperinflation.
Milei believes that poorly timed good policy can lead to the worst outcome. He believes that the path to a free market must begin with ending persistent budget deficits, not lifting capital controls. He hopes this approach will advance his political agenda while limiting political tensions and inflation risk.
Milei’s background as a macroeconomist explains his thinking. In this sense, his approach is technocratic because he prioritizes the economic conditions needed to achieve his free-market goals, even if that requires more nuance than his ideological promises.
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Thoroughly answered in these series of posts:
It’s possible to both acknowledge that he’s amongst the best heads of state and point out where he might be able to do better.
I'm the first one to point where.
His strategies have achieved more than the most enthusiastic and optimistic supporter ever dreamed of. His drawbacks are not less severe because of that, just not in the technical arena:
I had already thoroughly described all of this more than a year ago here: My Direct Account on the Situation in Argentina under Milei's Government
My general feeling is that he earned the benefit of the doubt on matters of strategery by being the one from our camp who managed to get into power.
As long as Argentina is moving in a positive direction, you won’t hear me criticizing the exact path very much.
There's nothing wrong with asking why he has not been able to advance in certain areas, it's a perfectly valid question. What I always point out are those cases where the sole fact the question can be posed is used in itself as an "argument" against him. Specially since in many cases he did actively try to advance on what he promised to do, only to be actively hindered by the opposition. Sadly we have an horrible system in which seats in congress are renovated by fractions always lower than the votes obtained, which results in a president needing to win up to 4 elections in a row, and by a good margin, in order to get a decent enough percentage of the congress not to be mechanically impeded by it. Even still, with a minority, he managed to get a lot of impactful stuff though.
https://twiiit.com/LibertarianDuty/status/1867202040742522933 [1]
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